published by the Liu Institute for Global Issues, University of British Columbia,
September 2005
Executive Summary
The 19 year conflict in northern Uganda has resulted in one of the world’s
worst, most forgotten humanitarian crisis: 90 percent of the affected-population
in Acholi is confined to internally displaced persons camps, dependant on
food assistance. The civilian population is vulnerable to being abducted,
beaten, maimed, tortured, raped, violated and murdered on a daily basis.
Over 20,000 children have been abducted by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA)
and forced into fighting and sexual slavery. Up to 40,000 children commute
nightly to sleep in centres of town and avoid abduction. Victims and perpetrators
are often the same person,and currently there is no system of accountability
for those most responsible for the atrocities. Given the scale and scope
of the crisis, it is not surprising that an intense debate on the most appropriate
strategy to realize peace and justice has emerged.
When the Chief Prosecutor at the International Criminal Court (ICC) announced
its intention to investigate the LRA in 2004, many local leaders in northern
Uganda were opposed to the initiative. Traditional, religious and civil society
leaders have argued that the ICC places ‘their’ children at greater risk,
and threatens to further damage their cultural identity and beliefs. Traditional
justice, based on restorative principles, is widely supported as a favourable
alternative to the punitive approach of the Court. A number of advocates,
therefore, argue the Court should cease its current investigation until local
approaches are given an opportunity to work, or until peace is realized in
the region. Despite this, very little is known about traditional justice
in Acholi beyond its normative dimensions.
This report, Roco Wat I Acoli (Restoring Relationships in Acholi-land),
provides a much needed analysis of what traditional justice in northern Uganda
is, how it is currently practiced and what value it could add. It documents
existing practices of traditional justice in 16 internally displaced persons
(IDP) camps in Northern Uganda. It further examines how some of these rituals
have been adapted to promote the reintegration of former rebels. It does
so in order to provide an initial assessment of whether or not traditional
rituals and ceremonies could be further adapted in the context of the enduring
19-year old conflict.
The findings suggest that the Acholi people continue to hold sophisticated
cultural beliefs in the spirit world, which greatly shape their perceptions
of truth, justice, forgiveness and reconciliation. Nevertheless, traditional
cultural practices and the role of Elders, Mego (female Elders) and
Rwodi (Elders with administrative responsibilities) have been severely
restricted by the conflict and circumstances of displacement. In the words
of one Elder, ‘these children don’t know how to be Acholi’. Since their reinstitutionalization
in 2000, traditional leaders, through Ker Kwaro Acholi (the institution
of the paramount chief), have attempted to revitalize cultural rituals and
practices, and to reach out to the population to encourage the safe reintegration
of formerly abducted persons. Findings suggest that this initiative has had
varying degrees of success on the ground, largely dependant upon the camp
setting, leadership within the camp, as well as the individual circumstances
the formerly abducted person (FAP) returns to, such as family life. Likewise,
the approaches are often ad-hoc and lack coordination with other existing
efforts, reflecting an institutional weakness of the organization.
Ker Kwaro Acholi must begin to define a unified, consensual vision of not
only cultural contributions to the reintegration process, but also of how
to adapt traditional justice mechanisms. This requires sorting out who should
be subject to this justice process, as well as the mechanics of how this
could take place. It will require local, national and international consultation
and coordination with other stakeholders. For instance, the process of
Mato Oput ("drinking the bitter root") has received much attention by
national and international stakeholders, with little understanding of what
exactly is involved. The research found that the majority of Elders and Rwodi
interviewed did not think that the process itself was possible to adapt in
its current form. However, the principles, values and symbolic meaning of
Mato Oput were considered essential to rebuilding a devasted Acholi-land,
and should be carefully taken into consideration in the design of any future
justice program in that region.
It is recommended at the conclusion of this report (see Chapter 6) that a
Commission on Reintegration and Reconciliation be established in order to
begin to investigate questions related to how best to: promote both justice
and peace; facilitate reintegration and reconciliation; to maintain the momentum
of the Amnesty Commission while at the same time ending the current impunity;
and, to balance traditional and international approaches to justice.