This is a forum on transitional justice or, as its founder has stated, "the challenges of justice during transitions to a better world." The creation of a forum on this topic presupposes an agreement on exactly what transitional justice is. It's far from clear, however, that any such agreement exists, which means that the function of this forum must be not only to discuss transitional justice issues but to return to first principles and determine what the transitional justice field encompasses.
No less an institution than the International Center for Transitional Justice acknowledges that there is no firm consensus on the definition of the term. In a 2004 address in Ottawa, ICTJ president Alex Boraine noted some of these disagreements:
Some prominent scholars have rejected the term itself, preferring instead to speak of post-conflict justice. But “post-conflict justice” doesn’t address the complexities and processes of political transitions, whether through conflict, negotiation, or state collapse. Certainly it would exclude our transition from apartheid in South Africa. For while we did experience low-level, horrific violence, apartheid’s violent strategies never amounted to conflict per se.
Others define transitional justice as an extension of regular criminal justice systems that rely exclusively on legal remedies to rectify grievances. This fails to account for the limits of law, particularly in cases of mass crimes such as genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity. In trying to come to terms these types of crimes, not only does our moral discourse appear to reach its limit, but it also emphasizes the inadequacy of ordinary measures that usually apply in the field of criminal justice.
In many cases, the definition of "transitional justice" is simply assumed, and most such treatments tend to focus on accountability. The two classic transitional justice mechanisms - the war crimes tribunal and the truth commission - both advance accountability in different ways. Criminal prosecution brings individuals to account for their deeds through judicial findings and imposition of punishment. Truth commissions hold entire societies to account by chronicling past abuses, hearing testimony from the victims and forcing the perpetrators to make full confession as the price of immunity.
The ICTJ formulation of transitional justice is consistent with the focus on accountability. Indeed, the ICTJ's mission statement is to "assist countries pursuing accountability for past mass atrocity or human rights abuse." The means by which it does so are divided into "five main areas... prosecutions, truth-telling, reconciliation, reparations, and institutional reform."
A focus on accountability to the exclusion of other components of democratic transition, however, may be too narrow a conception of transitional justice. The term "justice" itself has many possible meanings. One of them - possibly the one that most often comes to mind when the word is uttered - is legal justice: the use of legal procedures to collect evidence, make findings of fact and impose remedies. But legal justice is a means rather than an end, and its purpose is to advance substantive justice: to achieve an outcome that is fair and equitable to all parties. Transitional justice can be viewed in either of these terms, but broadly conceived, it encompasses all efforts to transform a society that is less fair and equitable into one that is more so. Transitional justice, in other words, is the study of just transitions.
As such, the topic of transitional justice involves far more than holding individual criminals or corrupt societies to account. Transitional justice means fairness to the victims: addressing their psychological traumas, restoring their nationality and civil rights, resolving their property claims and providing them with an opportunity for closure and memory. Transitional justice means fairness to the perpetrators, who themselves have a moral right to be called to account for their actions and assisted in rehabilitating themselves. And transitional justice means fairness to society, cleaning up the damage left by the period of abuse.
The damage suffered by abusive societies is far more than the sum of the injuries to the individual victims. An unjust society damages the rule of law and destroys the institutions and norms through which people can govern themselves and resolve disputes peacefully. Unjust societies ignite and inflame conflicts between social classes and religious and ethnic groups, which continue long after the policies that gave rise to them. Societies of this kind commonly pursue reckless economic and environmental policies that replace the independent private sector with crony capitalism and strip the country's resources (especially in poorer and politically powerless regions) for the benefit of the well-connected. This can have long-term impact on a country's public health, food security and ability to rebuild a functioning economy, all of which are crucial to making a successful transition to democratic self-rule.
Transitional justice must therefore include the resolution of the social injustices left over from the pre-democratization period. Environmental cleanup is as much a transitional justice issue as prosecution for crimes against humanity, and the establishment of a level economic playing field and impartial dispute resolution system are as much so as dealing with the traumas of the survivors. Also, as Dr. Boraine noted, transitional justice includes not only the resolution of the immediate problems caused by unjust regimes but the creation and reform of institutions to ensure that the transition becomes permanent. Any and all of these things can, and should, be the focus of this forum.
Jonathan, you raise some really important questions here. (I wonder if we should divide the blog into separate sections, with one of them being reserved for meta-discussions of this type?)
Just a few quick responses. I like your emphasis on breaking "justice" down into various kinds of "fairness". The more the years go by, the more I see the deep wisdom in John Rawls's formulation of "Justice as fairness", even though I can still disagree with some of his details.
You say that TJ means fairness to the the victims... the perpetrators... and "society"..., which I agree with. (Though I'm not as easy with the easy division of many of society's members into "victims" and "perpetrators" as many people seem to be. But that's another discussion.)
Regarding TJ's obligation to "society", however, you define this at first only in terms of "cleaning up the damage left by the period of abuse." I would formulate it much more broadly than that. I think the challenge for any transitional justice mechanism is to help to build a rule-of-law-abiding society going forward, even more than trying to "clean up" the damage from the past.
I do like the breadth of your view of that past damage. I think, in particular, looking at environmental damage is an important addition to the conversation. (It is certainly linked to questions of economic redistribution as part of the transition... ) But I still think it's really important in all discussions of transitional justice to keep one's eye on the situation going forward, more than on the calamities of the past...
How did they build rule-of-law-abiding societies in places like post-Franco Spain, post-apartheid RSA, and post-civil-war Mozambique, where they had not existed before? Those kinds of models-- which centrally involved amnesty (all three) and intentional forgetting (Mozambique and Spain) -- certainly need to be looked at and studied, as much as the "success story" countries where other approaches were used.
In other words, I would urge that the single significant benchmark for any transitional justice approach should be, "To what extent does it help to build a rule-of-law-abiding society going forward?" This, rather than other possible metrics such as "How many criminal convictions did this approach result in?" or "How many tons of pages of historical record did this process produce about the abuses of the past?"...
Posted by: Helena at September 28, 2005 11:54 AMYou say that TJ means fairness to the the victims... the perpetrators... and "society"..., which I agree with. (Though I'm not as easy with the easy division of many of society's members into "victims" and "perpetrators" as many people seem to be. But that's another discussion.)
I agree that there's often no clear division between victims and perpetrators. Many perpetrators are themselves victims, either because they have also suffered atrocities or because they were coerced into taking part of them.
More to the point, though, I don't think that there should be a distinction between "victims" who are owed something and "perpetrators" who are owed nothing. It may be my experience as a criminal defense lawyer talking, but I believe society owes something even to its criminals. People who commit crimes are still part of society and humanity, and are owed a just punishment and help in rehabilitating themselves. The object of holding perpetrators to account - and indeed in punishing them - should be to salvage them where possible.
I do like the breadth of your view of that past damage. I think, in particular, looking at environmental damage is an important addition to the conversation.
I think my emphasis on the environment as a TJ issue comes from reading about the fall of the Soviet empire, in which many of the post-Soviet countries were left to deal with the disastrous effects of the SU's industrial and environmental management. Environmental issues are also tied in with resource control issues in many LDCs, notably Nigeria where the development of Niger Delta oil resources has brought the region very little income but a great deal of pollution. There are similar issues in the Israeli-Palestinian context involving water and sanitation, which I'm sure you're at least as familiar with as I am.
Naturally, these policies have public health costs that are sometimes beyond the resources of the transitional institutions that must deal with their legacies. On the other hand, failure to deal with them can perpetuate regional conflicts and doom the transition. This is, I think, one of the key lessons of Nigeria's transition from military to civilian rule, given that failure to address the resource control and public health issues in the Niger Delta has made this region the most politically volatile in the country.
This comes back to your argument that TJ should focus on "the situation going forward, more than on the calamities of the past." I agree, but in many cases, such a focus requires that the past calamities be assessed and their legacies resolved.
In other words, I would urge that the single significant benchmark for any transitional justice approach should be, "To what extent does it help to build a rule-of-law-abiding society going forward?"
I like this formulation. Certainly, once a rule of law society is established, it will be much easier to address any other social injustices that may linger from the past.
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